{"id":1981,"date":"2022-07-11T13:49:01","date_gmt":"2022-07-11T12:49:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/?p=1981"},"modified":"2022-07-11T17:02:26","modified_gmt":"2022-07-11T16:02:26","slug":"activist-athletes-from-a-diary-about-the-mothers-of-plaza-de-mayo-to-a-livestream-with-migrant-workers-in-qatar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/2022\/07\/11\/activist-athletes-from-a-diary-about-the-mothers-of-plaza-de-mayo-to-a-livestream-with-migrant-workers-in-qatar\/","title":{"rendered":"Activist athletes: from a diary about the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo to a livestream with migrant workers in Qatar?"},"content":{"rendered":"

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Author: Bram Daanen<\/p>\n

\u201cThe tournament starts tomorrow for us. A lot is going through my mind.\u201d writes Dutch hockey player Hans Jorritsma (2013) before the opening match at the 1978 Hockey World Cup in Argentina, organised by the murderous dictatorship of Jorge Videla. \u201cImagine we win a medal… Don\u2019t accept it! I can\u2019t sleep. I take another sleeping pill from the bedside table.\u201d The diary Jorritsma kept at the request of the Dutch weekly magazine Vrij Nederland provides an intriguing insight into both the moral discomfort the championship posed for the athlete and his actions that resulted from it. It shows the results of a campaign against the participation of the national team that ultimately did not achieve its goal but managed to raise great awareness for the cause.<\/p>\n

The first exiled Argentines in Europe had been denouncing the violence in their country since 1975, but with the 1978 Football World Cup on the horizon, the attention by Europeans for their efforts suddenly increased. Not only in the Netherlands, but in many European countries, the controversial organisation of this tournament by the Argentinian dictatorship caused public outrage and particularly in France, The Netherlands and Sweden the idea of a boycott gained traction. Although the European idea of a boycott was presented as a form of solidarity, a part of the Argentine exiles opposed it and the idea was unpopular with their family and friends back home. Looking back at the mobilisation in 1978 and its effects can provide us with valuable knowledge about current attempts to instrumentalise mega sporting events. Recently, these endeavours have been dubbed \u2018sportswashing\u2019.<\/p>\n

Of course, the Argentinian dictatorship\u2019s idea of using sports as a propagandistic tool was not a new one. The classic example of the 1936 Olympics organised by Hitler\u2019s Nazi Germany frequently comes to mind, but as sports historians have pointed out, it would be a mistake to forget the first modern Olympics in 1896 in Greece and the first football World Cup in 1930 in Uruguay as ways to express these countries\u2019 modernity (Tomlinson & Young, 2006) . In fact, it is important to see the instrumentalisation of mega sporting events by authoritarian regimes not as exceptions, but as the rule. Political objectives are inherent to the organisation of such events.<\/p>\n

At the same time, it is also important to consider that these attempts do not always work out as planned. The undertaking by the Argentinian regime to instrumentalise the 1978 World Cup has long been considered successful since \u2013 despite the mobilisation for a boycott \u2013 the tournament took place without any disruptions and the Argentinian victory brought its people together. However, looking at it from an international perspective casts doubt on this affirmation. Before the World Cup, the voices of Argentine exiles in Europe were barely heard at a time when the solidarity movement for Chile dominated the public debate. Without the World Cup bringing the country into the spotlight, the attention for the repression in Argentina would not have reached the levels it did (Daanen, 2022). Two years later, the failure of a similar attempt to instrumentalise a footballing event was even more clear as during the final of the 1980 Mundialito (World Champions\u2019 Gold Cup) organised by the dictatorship in Uruguay, the fans started celebrating the end of the regime (\u201cSe va a acabar, se va a acabar, la dictadura militar\u201d, \u201cit will end, it will end, the military dictatorship\u201d).<\/p>\n

Today, with only a couple of months to go until the World Cup in Qatar where the appalling conditions for construction workers have led to thousands of deaths, the footballing world has justified its participation in the tournament with the slogan \u2018Football Supports Change\u2019. Hence, it is interesting to look at the ways in which athletes can actually play a role. In 1978, the beforementioned Jorritsma visited the march of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo who became the most emblematic actor in confronting the dictatorship to reclaim their disappeared children and managed to evoke great international attention for their struggle. In his diary, Jorritsma writes:<\/p>\n

\u201cAfter some initial doubts, I approach a group. The fact that I don\u2019t speak Spanish is an obstacle. A mother who speaks English is brought. I explain what is happening in Europe concerning Argentina. I tell them I heard about their silent march. It does them good. The women take turns telling how many children they are missing, how long they have been missing, how many times they have tried to get the executive branch to acknowledge that their child is being held captive. So far without result. There are tears. The women support each other. Some of them grab my forearm during their story. I feel powerless. Sadness takes over<\/em>.\u201d<\/p>\n

Gorini\u2019s (2017) book about the story of the Mothers shows that the opportunity to speak with a Dutch athlete during the Hockey World Cup in February reinforced their belief that they could use the Football World Cup in June to inform the world about what was happening in Argentina. The genuine gesture of an athlete who just listened and took note of the voices of the relatives of the disappeared proved to be an important signal of hope for them. In the midst of debates about whether or not to opt for a boycott it is necessary to take those voices into account and avoid turning the question into a debate on the national conscience. Besides, denunciations in Europe should not be directed just at Qatar, as the officials of European Football Associations have also been responsible for allocating the organisation of the tournament to this country.<\/p>\n

So far, no movement for a boycott of Qatar 2022 has managed to gain the same level of attention as the boycott movements in 1978, even if polls have shown that over half of the people across major European nations support such a possibility (Becerra Gonz\u00e1lez, 2022) . Paradoxically, when Dutch activists in 1978 managed to evoke great public interest with petition campaigns, press conferences, interviews, and performances of a theatre play, 70% of the Dutch population opposed their idea of a boycott (Baud, 2001) . Even with more public support for a possible boycott, it seems to be receiving less attention.<\/p>\n

Finally, with regards to the current debate, prominent Human Rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have not joined the call for a boycott, and it looks like no boycott will take place. They have argued that the attention generated by the World Cup can support them in their efforts to pressure for improvements of the situation of migrant workers in Qatar. Yet, if the football community really wants to make clear it supports change, it should do more than holding up banners. Wouldn\u2019t it be great to see Messi, Ronaldo or Mbapp\u00e9 (or any other player) take Jorritsma\u2019s idea to the 21st century with a livestreamed visit to construction workers in Qatar?<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Short Bio <\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"Bram Daanen is a PhD student in Latin American History at the Freie Universit\u00e4t Berlin and a member of the International Research Training Group \u2018Temporalities of Future.\u2019 His thesis focusses on the anticipations and aspirations of the Argentine exile in Europe. Furthermore, he is interested in the interactions between Argentine exiles and European activists, particularly around the 1978 Football World Cup. In a broader sense, his research interests include the exiles of other South American dictatorships at the end of the twentieth century, the Mundialito of 1980, and the history of football.<\/p>\n

Contact:\u00a0bram.daanen@fu-berlin.de<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n


Bibliography <\/strong><\/p>\n

Baud, M. (2001). Militair geweld, burgerlijke verantwoordelijkheid: Argentijnse en Nederlandse perspectieven op het militaire bewind in Argentini\u00eb<\/em> (1976-1983). Sdu Uitgevers.<\/p>\n

Becerra Gonz\u00e1lez, A. (2022, February 9). Eurotrack: Should countries boycott international sporting events?<\/em> YouGov Website. https:\/\/yougov.co.uk\/topics\/sport\/articles-reports\/2022\/02\/09\/eurotrack-should-countries-boycott-international-s<\/p>\n

Daanen, B. (2022). Football, dictatorship, and human rights: The 1978 World Cup and solidarity activism in the Netherlands for Argentina. Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights<\/em>. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/09240519221112555<\/p>\n

Gorini, U. (2017). La rebeli\u00f3n de las Madres: Historia de las Madres de Plaza de Mayo (1976-1983)<\/em>. Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata.<\/p>\n

Jorritsma, H. (2013, December 10). Waarom Hans Jorritsma de zilveren WK-medaille van Videla niet wilde<\/em> [Newspaper Article]. Vrij Nederland. https:\/\/www.vn.nl\/waarom-hans-jorritsma-de-zilveren-wk-medaille-van-videla-niet-wilde\/?pid=496351<\/p>\n

Tomlinson, A., & Young, C. (2006). National identity and global sports events: Culture, politics, and
spectacle in the Olympics and the football world cup<\/em>. State University of New York Press.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Image credits<\/strong><\/p>\n

Title:\u00a0\u00e9v\u00e9nement politique
Date: 1978
Author:\u00a0Jean-Fran\u00e7ois Batellier
Permission:\u00a0this file is licensed under the Creative Commons<\/a> Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International<\/a> license.<\/p>\n

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Author: Djego Abedinaj<\/p>\n

Since 1995 when the first Conference of Parties (COP) was held in Berlin, the road from Madrid to Glasgow has been longer than any other conference. Due to the COVID pandemic, the COP26 planned to be held in Glasgow was postponed ahead of 2020. After two years of dynamic political, social, and economic developments, all eyes and ears are on Glasgow.<\/p>\n

The disruption of economic activity due to the pandemic significantly affected the increase of the carbon emissions in the post-COVID period, drawing attention to the effect of industry on climate change. On one hand, COVID led to an immediate need for countries to fully restart economic activity without paying attention to environmental effects. On the other hand, a deep crisis like COVID could serve as an opportunity to drive and accelerate innovation and structural changes<\/a>.<\/p>\n

At first glance, the COP26 agenda seems promising. It is comprehensive, designed to capture diverse topics; inclusive, including youth and women to enhance their role in advocating climate action, and innovative by coming up with some new proposals, for instance, the Clydebank Declaration. However, COP26 will take place in an unpredictable and complex economic and political moment when every country is seeking to have a full economic recovery after the pandemic closure and trying to remobilize its full economic potential.<\/p>\n

Two years after the pause caused by the pandemic, under extraordinary rules during extraordinary times COP26 has gathered more enthusiasm and optimism to push forward the climate agenda. The decision of President Trump’s administration to withdraw from the Paris Agreement was considered a step back in terms of credibility and coherence on the way to build consensus, meet the climate targets and also advance on nationally determined contributions (NDCs). President Biden’s decision to\u00a0rejoin the Paris Agreement<\/a>\u00a0has raised hope and optimism on making multilateral efforts on climate action effective and credible. He has pledged to be committed to multilateral action on climate change, and appointed John Kerry as Special Presidential Envoy for Climate. The return of the US back to the game is a reaffirmation to continue efforts on tackling climate change.<\/p>\n

On the other side of the Atlantic, the political landscape seems to be more target-oriented. The EU has adopted the EU Green Deal, launched the\u00a0Fit for 55<\/a>, and in July 2021 adopted the\u00a0Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism<\/a>\u00a0(CBAM), a unilateral measure expected to enter into force by 2023. In principle, the EU CBAM is a tax on imported goods with high carbon intensity. The EU Commission aims to prevent carbon leakage and encourage developing countries to take action on green transition. However, the EU legislative package has been facing disapproval by several EU trade partners expected to be impacted the most by the CBAM. Countries like China or Russia are against the CBAM, considering it a protectionist measure that may impinge on global trade rules.<\/p>\n

The launch of the Clydebank Declaration policy initiative is expected at COP26. The Clydebank Declaration is considered an opportunity to extend the coverage of the carbon taxation on other economic sectors. Concretely establishing \u201cgreen corridors<\/a>\u201d-specific maritime routes decarbonized from end to end, including land-side infrastructure and vessels.<\/p>\n

In addition, civil aviation is on the COP26 agenda as one of the sectors still considered a \u2018free-polluter\u2019. According to the\u00a0EU Commission<\/a>\u00a0in 2017, civil aviation represented around 3.8% of the total global emissions. Including the sector into the carbon tax system has been consistently a battleground, especially by the most advanced economies. Despite the efforts made over previous rounds of negotiations, the proposal has faced strong opposition by the industry stakeholders considering the proposal as a \u201cdiscriminatory burden<\/em>\u201d.<\/p>\n

Taking further progressive steps on climate action requires massive financial sources to support the green transition. Climate finance has been recognized since the beginning for its huge importance in making progress real. However, climate action is not just about finance, it goes much further. The COVID pandemic had a significant impact on\u00a0public debt, constraining countries\u2019 ability to allocate funds on climate action<\/a>, especially for developing countries. Even though public finances are at stake, allocation on green investment such as renewable energies, green transportation, and digital skills education might eventually be a driver towards green transition.<\/p>\n

Establishing the new policy instruments to ground the Paris Agreement requires massive capacity in technical terms. But despite the technical complexity of implementing the new initiatives discussed above, extra efforts are necessary on the political level. Experience has shown that despite innovative proposals, promises, and soft measures, the advancement of the climate change agenda relies significantly on the political will of countries and their structural constraints on addressing the climate challenges. In the light of these challenges, COP26 represents a real opportunity to return optimism and trust on the way forward to ground the Paris Agreement and make it work for real.<\/p>\n

To conclude, multilateral events such as COP26 should serve to share the burden and bridge interests on the way forward, to build consensus on the international level, and make sure that everyone is on board.<\/p>\n

Short Bio <\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"Djego Abedinaj is completing a MA degree on European Studies at the University of Siena, Italy. He has been engaged as Intern at the Center for the Study of Political Change (CIRCaP) and formerly at the Corte dei Miracoli, an NGO focused on social and human rights. He has a BA degree in International Relations with a focus on international security, from the European University of Tirana, Albania. His research interests cover the European Union policies on climate change, trade, digitalization, international cooperation on climate change and technological governance.<\/p>\n

Twitter\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>https:\/\/twitter.com\/abedinaj_diego<\/strong><\/a>
Linkedin\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong>https:\/\/www.linkedin.com\/in\/djego-abedinaj-8438a4185\/<\/strong><\/a><\/p>\n


Bibliography<\/strong><\/p>\n

European Commission (2021) Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council, establishing a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism.<\/a><\/em>
Caldwell, M. & Alyza, N. (2020) What COVID19 tells us about making climate finance resielnt for the future crisis.<\/a><\/em>
Green Climate Fund (2021) Scaling up climate finance in the context of the COVID19, Report.<\/a><\/em>
IACO (2019) Trend in emission that effects Climate Change<\/a>.<\/em>
IAI (2020) Renewing Multilateralism for 21st<\/sup> Century, The Role of the United Nations and the European Union.<\/a><\/em>
Iberdola, (2021) Countries most affected by Climate Change.<\/a><\/em>
Singh, H & Bose, I. (2021) Shaping the Future of Multilateralism, Artificial Distinction between Climate Change Adoption and development restrictions access to climate finance for developing countries, Henrich Boll Stiftung.<\/em><\/a>
Reuters, (2021) Russia says EU Carbon Border Tax may impinge global trade rules,<\/a><\/em>
UK COP26 Presidency Programme<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n

Image Credits: https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/uk-scotland-59185007<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

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