{"id":1997,"date":"2022-07-11T14:31:01","date_gmt":"2022-07-11T13:31:01","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/?p=1997"},"modified":"2022-07-20T15:08:43","modified_gmt":"2022-07-20T14:08:43","slug":"football-as-a-weapon-of-soft-power-the-beautiful-game-hiding-the-ugly-truth","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/2022\/07\/11\/football-as-a-weapon-of-soft-power-the-beautiful-game-hiding-the-ugly-truth\/","title":{"rendered":"Football as a weapon of soft power: The beautiful game hiding the ugly truth"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>[et_pb_section bb_built=&#8221;1&#8243; admin_label=&#8221;section&#8221; fullwidth=&#8221;on&#8221; next_background_color=&#8221;#000000&#8243; global_module=&#8221;322&#8243;][et_pb_fullwidth_menu global_parent=&#8221;322&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;3.0.106&#8243; menu_id=&#8221;7&#8243; submenu_direction=&#8221;downwards&#8221; fullwidth_menu=&#8221;off&#8221; background_layout=&#8221;dark&#8221; module_class=&#8221;main-navigation&#8221; \/][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section bb_built=&#8221;1&#8243; fullwidth=&#8221;off&#8221; specialty=&#8221;on&#8221; prev_background_color=&#8221;#000000&#8243; next_background_color=&#8221;#1d1d1d&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;2_3&#8243; specialty_columns=&#8221;2&#8243;][et_pb_row_inner locked=&#8221;off&#8221;][et_pb_column_inner type=&#8221;4_4&#8243; saved_specialty_column_type=&#8221;2_3&#8243;][et_pb_post_title _builder_version=&#8221;3.0.106&#8243; title=&#8221;on&#8221; meta=&#8221;on&#8221; author=&#8221;on&#8221; date=&#8221;on&#8221; categories=&#8221;on&#8221; comments=&#8221;on&#8221; featured_image=&#8221;on&#8221; featured_placement=&#8221;above&#8221; text_color=&#8221;dark&#8221; text_background=&#8221;off&#8221; locked=&#8221;off&#8221; parent_locked=&#8221;off&#8221; \/][et_pb_text _builder_version=&#8221;3.17.6&#8243; background_layout=&#8221;light&#8221; parent_locked=&#8221;off&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p>Author: Kenn Rushworth<\/p>\n<p style=\"text-align: center\"><em>\u201cSports is always to do with politics. Sports is part of our society. And the society is political\u201d<br \/><\/em>Ewald Lienen \u2013 Technical Director of FC St. Pauli<\/p>\n<p><strong><u><br \/><\/u><\/strong><em>Soft Power and Sports Washing<\/em><u><br \/><\/u><u><\/u>Football has long been used as a soft power tool, most commonly by far-right leaders wishing to both exert cultural influence and appear as an attractive force on the world stage. Soft power has been defined as \u2018the ability to get what you want through attraction\u2019 (Nye, 2004, p.256). Nye (2008, p.95) defines soft power as being designed to ultimately set the political agenda by having others admire or desire to embrace or duplicate your \u2018attractive culture, desirable ideologies, credible, innovative, and forward-thinking institutions and policies\u2019, it \u201cco-opts rather than coerces\u201d (Brannagan &amp; Guilianotti, 2015, p.706; Nye, 2008, p.95). Sport and media allow a tailored representation of a state\/ruler to come to the fore, presenting an efficient and acceptable\/palatable face to the world to the extent that any ills committed by the state\/ruler get seemingly overlooked. This technique of improving an image through hosting or sponsoring sports events is now commonly dubbed \u2018sportswashing\u2019.<\/p>\n<p>Focussing on football, the use of sportswashing as a soft power tool can be seen as far back as the 1934 World Cup in Mussolini\u2019s Italy. It persisted through to Argentina 1978, a World Cup held during the military dictatorship, and beyond to Putin\u2019s Russia, who amidst human rights abuses and aggressive foreign policies were awarded the 2018 World Cup. Presently, there is the case of Middle Eastern dictatorships owning and building culturally influential teams. Three major examples are Manchester City, owned by the ruling family of Abu Dhabi since 2008, Paris St Germain (PSG), owned by a subsidiary of the Qatar sovereign wealth fund since 2011, and most recently, Newcastle United, owned by the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia since 2021. Furthermore, Qatar have secured the right to host the 2022 World Cup, admittedly during a corruption scandal at the heart of FIFA.<\/p>\n<p><em><br \/>Football and Fascism in the 20<sup>th<\/sup> Century<\/em><u><br \/><\/u><u><\/u>Following WWI, Mussolini and his fascist regime in Italy sought both to show the strength of fascism and unite the country. Whilst not a football fan \u2018Il Duce\u2019 recognised its potential to fulfil his goals. Capitalising on the success of the Bologna side of the 1920-30s Mussolini and Podest\u00e1 of Bologna Leandro Arpinati oversaw the construction of the team\u2019s stadium declaring it a symbol of what can be done with the \u201cwill and tenacity of fascism\u201d (Davies, 2011, p.2). Described as its \u2018diplomatic barometer abroad\u2019 (Harvey, 2021, N.P), football was used to display Italy\u2019s flair and might, this plan coming to its apex when it hosted the 1934 World Cup. Now widely accepted to be the result of bribery and match fixing, Italy stood victorious on home turf and again in France in 1938. Fascism had won and restructured football in Italy to suit the regime\u2019s needs as a propaganda tool capable of shaping public opinion, infiltrating daily life, and constructing a national identity (Martin, 2004, N.P; 2018, p.115).<\/p>\n<p>In the wake of the Spanish Civil War, General Franco used Real Madrid as a symbol in his campaign to build a homogenous Spain and display dominance over Basque, Catalan, and Galician culture. Securing the world\u2019s best players such as Di Stefano and Pusk\u00e1s saw Real Madrid dominate football for decades. Real\u2019s role as a soft power weapon was exemplified when Fernando Maria Castiella (Foreign Minister 1957-69) described them as \u201cThe best embassy we ever had\u201d (Kelly, 2019, N.P). Notably the regime tried emulating Real Madrid\u2019s success at international level by awarding Di Stefano (Argentinian), Pusk\u00e1s (Hungarian), and Santamaria (Uruguayan) Spanish citizenship to represent the national side. Whilst Spain never dominated international football in this period, they did carry on the trend of dictatorships getting to host tournaments. Hosting the European Nation\u2019s Cup in 1964, which they, perhaps unsurprisingly, won.<\/p>\n<p>International tournaments continued to be used to sportswash the image of countries. With Argentina hosting the 1978 World Cup despite the military junta seizing power and the ongoing Dirty War. It is broadly agreed that the military dictatorship used the World Cup to both make its image acceptable and to further its aims both domestically and abroad (Smith, 2002). From virtually the moment the Junta took hold of Argentina the World Cup became a focus of its media interactions, heavily censoring local media and doing all they could to manipulate foreign media to present the country as an organised force. The paper La Prensa being the best example with the headline \u201cFootball uniting our country and the rest of the world in brotherhood\u201d (Smith, 2002, p.75).<\/p>\n<p><u><br \/><\/u><em>Qatar and Corruption<\/em><u><br \/><\/u><u><\/u>It is at this juncture that we can observe the modern-day example of football as soft power weapon, through the case of Qatar. Following Qatar\u2019s successful bid in the still-under-investigation awarding of the 2022 World Cup, Qatar Sports Investments (QSi) completed the takeover of PSG. QSi is a subsidiary of the Qatar sovereign wealth fund and is chaired by Nasser Al-Khelaifi, who is also chairman of the beIN Media Group, a Qatari run sports and entertainment network that broadcasts across 5 continents. This combination gives him, Qatar, and by extension PSG, both an immense supply of funding and scope of influence.<\/p>\n<p>PSG had historically underachieved, however with the takeover making them one of the world\u2019s richest clubs, they would go on to dominate Ligue 1 for a decade, a period which also saw them progress as far as the Champions League Final, often regarded as football\u2019s showpiece event. Not only did the story of a seemingly \u2018new\u2019 team attaining success lure fans in so did the way it happened. PSG shattered the world transfer record (\u20ac222m for Neymar in 2017) and consistently spent enormous sums in both transfers and wages on megastars such as Ibrahimovic, Mbappe, Thiago Silva, Di Maria, and Cavani. Globally adored names gave the PSG and by extension Qatari brand an admirable face and QSi\/beIN had the means to relentlessly promote it as they desired. Moreover, Qatari businesses, most notably Qatar Airways began sponsoring the world\u2019s biggest teams such as Barcelona, Bayern Munich, Boca Juniors, and Roma, making the name ubiquitous and synonymous with the \u201cworld\u2019s game\u201d.<\/p>\n<p><em><br \/>The limits and future of sportswashing<\/em><strong><u><br \/><\/u><\/strong>Whilst sportswashing continues to be utilized by dictatorial regimes the veneer it creates is however a transparent one. As discussed above, sportswashing has never truly prevented the motivations of various regimes adoption of football and their true nature from being realised. For example, Qatar has been observed to be using slave labour to construct its stadiums, leading to the deaths of reportedly thousands of migrant workers (Amnesty International, 2016, 2019; Guardian, 2022). This in conjunction with homosexuality being punishable by death and the near absence of women\u2019s rights in the country have continued to make headlines. However, the sportswashing machine shows no sign of stopping, Qatar in the build-up to the world cup have hosted the World Club Cup tournament, Formula 1 GPs, and major Boxing fights. This all goes towards the nations branding as a centre of sport and culture.<\/p>\n<p>We\u2019ve seen this happen from Fascist Italy to the Junta in Argentina, to Putin\u2019s Russia, and we are about to witness it again in Qatar: The international popularity of football being used as a tool to give corrupt dictatorships an acceptable face. Football has long been used to exert soft power but with the sport generating more money and reaching more fans than ever, this shows no sign of stopping. Today, elite level football has become, perhaps irretrievably, a vehicle for the power-driven interests of billionaires. Protests and fan owned phoenix clubs, are signs that not all are willing to accept football\u2019s fate. However, in the face of ruthless political and financial juggernauts, and their ability to sportswash the narrative enough to benefit their interests, the battle for the soul of football looks set to remain a long and difficult one.<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><strong>Short bio<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><span lang=\"EN-US\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignleft size-medium wp-image-2001\" src=\"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-225x300.jpeg\" alt=\"\" width=\"225\" height=\"300\" srcset=\"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-225x300.jpeg 225w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-768x1024.jpeg 768w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-150x200.jpeg 150w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-250x333.jpeg 250w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-350x467.jpeg 350w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik-1080x1440.jpeg 1080w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/232\/2022\/07\/Me-Reykjavik.jpeg 1728w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 225px) 100vw, 225px\" \/><\/span>Kenn Rushworth is a PhD candidate at the University of Manchester. His thesis focuses on electoral registration reform in the UK. More specifically, his work firstly looks at the 2014 Individual Electoral Registration reform and its consequences. Secondly, it is a comparative study of electoral registration models around the world and how the UK can improve its own model. This latter aspect of the research uses Iceland as a case study, considering this, Kenn recently completed a visiting scholarship at H\u00e1sk\u00f3li \u00cdslands. Outside of the thesis Kenn has an interest in the Politics of Football and Music.<\/p>\n<p><span lang=\"FR\">Contact:\u00a0<a href=\"mailto:kenneth.rushworth@postgrad.manchester.ac.uk\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">kenneth.rushworth@postgrad.manchester.ac.uk<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><strong>Bibliography<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Amnesty International, (2022).\u00a0<em>Qatar: FIFA should set aside $440m for World Cup workers compensation fund<\/em>. Amnesty.org.uk [Online] Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.amnesty.org.uk\/press-releases\/qatar-fifa-should-set-aside-440m-world-cup-workers-compensation-fund#:~:text=FIFA%20should%20set%20aside%20at,of%20the%20tournament's%20opening%20game\">https:\/\/www.amnesty.org.uk\/press-releases\/qatar-fifa-should-set-aside-440m-world-cup-workers-compensation-fund#:~:text=FIFA%20should%20set%20aside%20at,of%20the%20tournament&#8217;s%20opening%20game<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Amnesty International, (2016). <em>Qatar: World Cup of Shame<\/em>, Amnesty.org [Online] Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.amnesty.org\/en\/latest\/campaigns\/2016\/03\/qatar-world-cup-of-shame\/\">https:\/\/www.amnesty.org\/en\/latest\/campaigns\/2016\/03\/qatar-world-cup-of-shame\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Brannagan, P. M., &amp; Giulianotti, R.,\u00a0(2015).\u00a0Soft power and soft disempowerment: Qatar, global sport and football\u2019s 2022 World Cup finals,\u00a0<em>Leisure Studies<\/em>,\u00a034:6,\u00a0703-719,\u00a0DOI:\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/02614367.2014.964291\">10.1080\/02614367.2014.964291<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Cafiero, G., and Alexander, K., (2020). <em>Qatar\u2019s soft power sports diplomacy<\/em>, Middle East Institute [Online], Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.mei.edu\/publications\/qatars-soft-power-sports-diplomacy\">https:\/\/www.mei.edu\/publications\/qatars-soft-power-sports-diplomacy<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Davies, R., (2011). Bologna FC 1909: a colourful history. [Blog]\u00a0<em>Neither Pedantic Nor Wild<\/em>, Available at: <a href=\"http:\/\/neitherpedanticnorwild.blogspot.com\/2011\/03\/forza-bologna.html\">http:\/\/neitherpedanticnorwild.blogspot.com\/2011\/03\/forza-bologna.html<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Harvey, J., (2021). <em>Bologna FC: The Rossobl\u00fa, Fascist Italy and the Mitropa Cup<\/em>, The Football Pink [Online], Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/footballpink.net\/bologna-fc-the-rossoblu-fascist-italy-and-the-mitropa-cup\/\">https:\/\/footballpink.net\/bologna-fc-the-rossoblu-fascist-italy-and-the-mitropa-cup\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p><em>How dictators abuse football | From Argentina 1978 to Russia 2018<\/em>, (2018). [Video] DW Kick Off! and A. Hotakie. Germany: Deutsche Welle. Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/youtu.be\/c0kvaz50oWA\">https:\/\/youtu.be\/c0kvaz50oWA<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Kelly, R., (2019). <em>General Franco, Real Madrid, and the King: The history behind the club\u2019s link to Spain\u2019s establishment<\/em>, Goal [Online], Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.goal.com\/en\/news\/general-franco-real-madrid-king-history-behind-clubs-link\/fcoqldp8h2bb1841o2rspmuhe\">https:\/\/www.goal.com\/en\/news\/general-franco-real-madrid-king-history-behind-clubs-link\/fcoqldp8h2bb1841o2rspmuhe<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Martin, S., (2004). <em>Football and Fascism: The National Game under Mussolini<\/em>, Oxford: Berg<\/p>\n<p>Martin, S., (2018). \u2018Football, Fascism and Fandom in Modern Italy\u2019, <em>Revista Cr\u00edtica de Ciencias Socias<\/em>, <em>116<\/em>, 111-134, DOI : 10.4000\/rccs.729, Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/publication\/327185210_Football_Fascism_and_Fandom_in_Modern_Italy\">https:\/\/www.researchgate.net\/publication\/327185210_Football_Fascism_and_Fandom_in_Modern_Italy<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Nye,\u00a0J. S.\u00a0(2004).\u00a0Soft power and American foreign policy.\u00a0<em>Political Science Quarterly,<\/em>\u00a0<em>119<\/em>,\u00a0255\u2013270.10.2307\/20202345<\/p>\n<p>Nye,\u00a0J. S.\u00a0(2008).\u00a0Public diplomacy and soft power.\u00a0<em>The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,<\/em>\u00a0<em>616<\/em>,\u00a094\u2013109.10.1177\/0002716207311699<\/p>\n<p>Outside of the Boot, (2014). <em>Fascism and Football: How Italy won the 1934 and 1938 World Cup<\/em>\u00b8 Outside of the Boot [Online], Available at: <a href=\"http:\/\/outsideoftheboot.com\/2014\/05\/20\/fascism-and-football-how-italy-won-the-1934-and-1938-world-cup\/\">http:\/\/outsideoftheboot.com\/2014\/05\/20\/fascism-and-football-how-italy-won-the-1934-and-1938-world-cup\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Pattison, P., McIntyre, N., Mukhtar, I., Eapen, N., Bhuyan, Md O. U., Bhattarai, U., and Piyari, A., (2021). \u2018Revealed: 6,500 migrant workers have died in Qatar since World Cup awarded\u2019, <em>The Guardian<\/em> [Online], Available at: <a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/global-development\/2021\/feb\/23\/revealed-migrant-worker-deaths-qatar-fifa-world-cup-2022\">https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/global-development\/2021\/feb\/23\/revealed-migrant-worker-deaths-qatar-fifa-world-cup-2022<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Smith, B. L., (2002). \u2018The Argentinian Junta and the Press in the run-up to the 1978 World Cup\u2019, <em>Soccer and Society<\/em>, 3:1, 69-78,\u00a0DOI:\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/714004869\">10.1080\/714004869<\/a> \u00a0\u00a0<\/p>\n<p><em>The Workers Cup<\/em>, (2017). [Film] Directed by A. Sobel. Produced by R. Garthwaite and R. Haddad. Qatar; UK: Mediadante. Available at: <a href=\"http:\/\/www.theworkerscupfilm.com\/\">http:\/\/www.theworkerscupfilm.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u00a0<\/p>\n<p>Image credits: open source<\/p>\n<p>[\/et_pb_text][et_pb_post_nav _builder_version=&#8221;3.0.106&#8243; in_same_term=&#8221;off&#8221; show_prev=&#8221;on&#8221; show_next=&#8221;on&#8221; prev_text=&#8221;Previous&#8221; next_text=&#8221;Next&#8221; locked=&#8221;on&#8221; parent_locked=&#8221;off&#8221; \/][et_pb_comments _builder_version=&#8221;3.0.106&#8243; show_avatar=&#8221;on&#8221; show_reply=&#8221;on&#8221; show_count=&#8221;on&#8221; background_layout=&#8221;light&#8221; header_font_size_tablet=&#8221;51&#8243; header_line_height_tablet=&#8221;2&#8243; custom_button=&#8221;on&#8221; button_icon_placement=&#8221;right&#8221; button_text_color=&#8221;#ffffff&#8221; button_use_icon=&#8221;off&#8221; locked=&#8221;on&#8221; parent_locked=&#8221;off&#8221; button_text_size__hover_enabled=&#8221;off&#8221; button_text_size__hover=&#8221;null&#8221; button_one_text_size__hover_enabled=&#8221;off&#8221; 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Sports is part of our society. And the society is political\u201dEwald Lienen \u2013 Technical Director of FC St. PauliSoft Power and Sports WashingFootball has long been used as a soft power tool, most commonly by far-right leaders wishing to both exert cultural influence and appear as [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2773,"featured_media":2002,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[17],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1997","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-sport-and-politics"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1997","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2773"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1997"}],"version-history":[{"count":13,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1997\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2063,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1997\/revisions\/2063"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/2002"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1997"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1997"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/political-perspectives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1997"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}