{"id":1522,"date":"2022-05-25T10:45:47","date_gmt":"2022-05-25T09:45:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/?p=1522"},"modified":"2025-11-06T10:46:39","modified_gmt":"2025-11-06T10:46:39","slug":"referendums-lessons-from-brexit-and-catalonia-in-relation-to-scotland-and-indy-ref-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/2022\/05\/25\/referendums-lessons-from-brexit-and-catalonia-in-relation-to-scotland-and-indy-ref-2\/","title":{"rendered":"Referendums: Lessons from Brexit and Catalonia in relation to Scotland and Indy Ref 2"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>[et_pb_section bb_built=&#8221;1&#8243; admin_label=&#8221;section&#8221; fullwidth=&#8221;on&#8221; next_background_color=&#8221;#000000&#8243; global_module=&#8221;322&#8243;][et_pb_fullwidth_menu global_parent=&#8221;322&#8243; _builder_version=&#8221;3.17.6&#8243; menu_id=&#8221;8&#8243; submenu_direction=&#8221;downwards&#8221; fullwidth_menu=&#8221;off&#8221; background_layout=&#8221;dark&#8221; module_class=&#8221;main-navigation&#8221; \/][\/et_pb_section][et_pb_section bb_built=&#8221;1&#8243; fullwidth=&#8221;off&#8221; specialty=&#8221;on&#8221; prev_background_color=&#8221;#000000&#8243; next_background_color=&#8221;#1d1d1d&#8221;][et_pb_column type=&#8221;2_3&#8243; specialty_columns=&#8221;2&#8243;][et_pb_row_inner locked=&#8221;off&#8221;][et_pb_column_inner type=&#8221;4_4&#8243; saved_specialty_column_type=&#8221;2_3&#8243;][et_pb_post_title _builder_version=&#8221;3.17.6&#8243; featured_placement=&#8221;above&#8221; locked=&#8221;on&#8221; parent_locked=&#8221;off&#8221; date_format=&#8221;j M Y&#8221; \/][et_pb_text _builder_version=&#8221;3.17.6&#8243; background_layout=&#8221;light&#8221; parent_locked=&#8221;off&#8221;]<\/p>\n<p><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-1523 alignleft\" src=\"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/473\/2025\/11\/Big-Ben-300x169-300x169.jpg\" alt=\"Big Ben\" width=\"300\" height=\"169\" srcset=\"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/473\/2025\/11\/Big-Ben-300x169.jpg 300w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/473\/2025\/11\/Big-Ben-300x169-150x85.jpg 150w, https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/473\/2025\/11\/Big-Ben-300x169-250x141.jpg 250w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 300px) 100vw, 300px\" \/>The Conservative Government of the United Kingdom is not currently willing to facilitate a second referendum on Scottish independence, and Boris Johnson has recently cited the war in Ukraine, along with the generally febrile state of geopolitics, as reasons to avoid such distractions. Unsurprisingly, this stance is a source of ongoing frustration for the SNP administration north of the border, and a while ago Nicola Sturgeon\u2019s Government took legal advice on the possibility of unilateral action to organise a vote.<\/p>\n<p>The content of this advice is not currently known, as the Scottish administration have so far resisted disclosing it, but this may change, following a ruling from the Scotland\u2019s Information Commissioner that the legal opinion should be made public. It is very likely that at least parts of the report will be uncomfortable for the SNP, given that constitutional matters in general, and the Union between England and Scotland specifically, are clearly \u201creserved\u201d and outside of the remit of devolved Parliaments (see Scotland Act 1998, Sch 5, Part 1, 1(b).\u00a0 Furthermore, a cynical, or at least a canny, observer, might imagine that the Scottish executive would have been more willing to publish the advice if it had been helpful to their cause.<\/p>\n<p>Taking all of this into account, it looks very much as though there has been a clash between the SNP Scottish Government, insisting that it has an electoral mandate to hold a second independence referendum, and the Conservative UK executive replying that the power to arrange such a vote lies exclusively in Westminster. Consequently, as things stand, this move would not be in the best interests of the UK or the international community.<\/p>\n<p>Europe has recently seen the disastrous fall out from the Spanish State Government, and the regional administration of Catalonia locking horns in a similar manner.\u00a0 In fairness, the pro-independence regime in Catalonia had a far weaker democratic mandate as far as the parliamentary majority was concerned, as well as a much clearer legal context. They were indeed told directly by the Spanish Constitutional Court that their purported vote would infringe the Rule of Law.\u00a0 Therefore, it would not be fair to claim that the UK is teetering on the edge of quite such an alarming constitutional precipice, nor to directly compare Sturgeon and Puigdemont.\u00a0 Nevertheless, there are worrying parallels, and the Catalan example is not one which anyone would want to follow.\u00a0 In the end, an illegal vote took place which demonstrated nothing, lacking any independent scrutiny, proper safeguards or even secure means for law-abiding citizens to participate, whilst various individuals were injured in unnecessary violence and a number of politicians spent significant time in prison. Effectively, everybody lost, and the credibility of both state and regional Governments was eroded.<\/p>\n<p>Equally, Brexit is an example of a state executive actively enabling a referendum, and unleashing social and political mayhem as a consequence.\u00a0 A narrow victory for one side, bringing about cataclysmic change, generated resentment on both sides, whilst many \u201cRemainers\u201d argued that people had been misled about what they were voting for, \u00a0the outcome was advisory only and that Parliament should use its sovereign position to block a move that was contrary to the welfare of the nation.\u00a0 Equally, many of those in the leave camp saw this response as anti-democratic and unfair, and felt that they were at risk of being cheated of their victory.\u00a0 The practical aftermath of Brexit continues to cause painful divisions, the current volatile situation with the Northern Ireland protocol being the latest in a seemingly endless parade of bitter conflicts.<\/p>\n<p>So, what does this show?\u00a0\u00a0 Are Governments \u201cdamned if they do and damned if they don\u2019t\u201d when it comes to organising referendums on controversial and complex questions?\u00a0\u00a0 There are certainly pitfalls which cannot be underestimated when it comes to the use of referenda, but it does seem that stubborn resistance to a popular vote under any circumstances is not a viable solution.\u00a0\u00a0 Equally, it is crucial to highlight that expectations should be managed: what are people voting for?\u00a0\u00a0 what exactly will happen on the basis of a \u201cyes\u201d or \u201cno\u201d decision?\u00a0 what further choices will have to be made, or treaties negotiated, who will do this, and on what time-scale?\u00a0 All these issues need to be set out in advance, and all sides have to understand and honour it, both in terms of political regimes and the general population.\u00a0 The resentment and anger representing the EU did nothing to assist the United Kingdom get its house in order, and made a bad domestic situation worse.\u00a0 In contrast, the singing of Auld Lang Syne in the European Parliament after approving the withdrawal agreement was one of the few edifying and healing moments.<\/p>\n<p>Perhaps the question of how to do referendums, ultimately relates to how we do political discourse.\u00a0 It is legitimate to be angry, frustrated or sad at the perspective of ideological opponents, but the response should be to identify the issues at stakes, and tackle those, avoiding ad hominem attacks or demonising other groups.\u00a0 Furthermore, if all participants in a decision-making process commit to that process, then it is possible to accept its outcomes, even if we may want to change them.\u00a0\u00a0 The United Kingdom may wish to re-enter the European Union, Scotland may or may not desire to leave the United Kingdom, and may or may not aim to re-join if it does.\u00a0 We have hundreds of possibilities before us, but we need to decide wisely how to make collective decisions about our future.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Related Articles<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u201cIndyref legal advice ruling is being \u2018considered carefully\u2019-Nicola Sturgeon\u201d <em>BBC News<\/em> (2\/5\/22) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-61297258\">https:\/\/www.bbc.co.uk\/news\/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-61297258<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u201cBoris Johnson: This is not the moment for Indyref 2\u201d <em>Holyrood<\/em> (18\/3\/22) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.holyrood.com\/news\/view,boris-johnson-this-is-not-the-moment-for-indyref2\">https:\/\/www.holyrood.com\/news\/view,boris-johnson-this-is-not-the-moment-for-indyref2<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u201cMEPs Sing Auld Lang Syne after approving withdrawal agreement\u201d <em>The Telegraph <\/em>(29\/1\/20) <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=uA8TaMpC-R4\">https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=uA8TaMpC-R4<\/a><\/p>\n<p>[\/et_pb_text][et_pb_post_nav _builder_version=&#8221;3.0.106&#8243; 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Unsurprisingly, this stance is a source of ongoing frustration for the SNP [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2773,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"on","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","_exactmetrics_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[9],"tags":[22],"class_list":["post-1522","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news","tag-referendum-brexit-catalonia-voting"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1522","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2773"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1522"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1522\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1524,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1522\/revisions\/1524"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1522"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1522"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/sites.manchester.ac.uk\/religion-law-and-the-constitution\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1522"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}